Katherine Kersten's Sunday column, "Gay-marriage efforts build, ominously: If it becomes the law of the land, expect wide-ranging consequences," said that gay marriage will have consequences for religious people if legalized. Kersten's faulty examples (several come from states where gay marriage is still illegal), actually demonstrate something much bigger than the threat of gay marriage: religious organizations would be wise to ask God for support, not the government or risk compromising their beliefs.
Kersten writes, "If gay marriage becomes law, churches and religiously affiliated organizations may be denied tax exemption, on grounds that their beliefs are "contrary to public policy." The threat is "credible" and "palpable," according to Robin Wilson, a law professor at Washington and Lee University. In New Jersey, for example, a Methodist ministry had to fight government officials to defend its tax exemption for a facility after declining to allow two lesbian couples to use it for civil union ceremonies."
Kersten is referring to the Ocean Grove Camp Meeting Association pavilion, a facility which had been open to the public for decades, was given a $500,000 a year tax break because it's public, had been repaired with public money and a court ruled more than 100 years ago that the space "had been dedicated years ago by the association as a public highway." Kersten doesn't mention that the Methodist church in New Jersey only decided that the facility was private when a lesbian couple decided to commit their lives to one another in the pavilion -- and after more than one hundred years of public use and and millions in public money. Also, same-sex marriage isn't legal in New Jersey, but instead the state provides civil unions.
Kersten writes, "Some faith-based charities may have to stop providing social services. Catholic Charities in Boston -- which specialized in adoptions involving hard-to-place kids -- had to give up adoption after gay marriage began in Massachusetts. Religiously affiliated hospitals, rehabilitation centers and homeless shelters that get government contracts or deal with Medicaid and Medicare may be similarly threatened."
Kersten fails to mention that Catholic Charities in Boston had already provided adoptions for 13 same-sex couples before the Vatican intervened. Catholic Charities put up a significant fight to continue placing children with stable same-sex families -- so much so that eight members of its board resigned in protest at the Vatican's pressure
It wasn't the legalization of same-sex marriage that led to the showdown with the Vatican (Catholic Charities defied the Vatican when the 42-member board voted unanimously to allow adoption by gay couples), because Catholic Charities had been quietly placing children with same-sex couples for years before same-sex marriage became legal. The organization cited the state's anti-discrimination laws as the reason they allowed gay adoption.
Kersten writes, "Public employees may be disciplined or dismissed if they refuse to approve of homosexual acts. Recently, for example, a professor who taught Catholic theology at the University of Illinois was fired after a student accused him of hate speech. The professor had written in an e-mail that Catholic theology teaches that "sexual acts are only appropriate for people who are complementary, not the same," and had said he agrees with this view."
What Kersten leaves out is that Illinois has not legalized same-sex marriage, and the professor, Kenneth Howell, was talking about sex between men not gay marriage. Unless Kersten is advocating the criminalization of homosexuality altogether -- which is the natural progression from opposing same-sex marriage on biblical grounds -- then her example is out of place in this context.