You think Quicken is a nightmare? In 2,000 B.C., businessmen kept their financial records on clay tablets. Linguists who deciphered a cache unearthed in the Middle East were struck by how broadly goods were traded — from Central Asia to Europe — and by the enormous risks small-business owners took to turn a profit.
In a recent New York Times Magazine piece ("The V.C.s of B.C."), Adam Davidson tells of a merchant who trusted a stranger to deliver two donkeys laden with tin and textiles to a market 600 miles distant and, for a small cut, to return the proceeds of a successful trade. The stranger agreed to the terms, took the donkeys and was never heard from again.
The thief, it would seem, was merely following the laws of unfettered global trade. In this, he was no different from his modern counterparts. Commerce has always been with us, Davidson writes, and neither tariffs intended to protect a nation's workers nor regulations to protect the environment nor trade deals like NAFTA and the TPP that try to level the playing field among players will have much impact on the bottom line.
Davidson is correct in his portrayal of the idealized winner-take-all free trader of today. He's wrong about the role of government. Our modern global traders don't have to steal outright but merely manipulate the system of regulatory supports, from U.S. Federal Reserve stimulus to tariffs to tax relief, that benefit them and that, given their financial clout, they are able to procure through expensive lobbying efforts at all levels of government.
Meanwhile, China is portrayed as our untrustworthy trade partner. Even as free-traders deny the impact of trade restrictions, they say the Chinese are gaming the system to their advantage through currency manipulation and by erecting all manner of barriers to Western goods and, like the trader immortalized on those clay tablets, stealing whatever they can. Free-traders also criticize China's practice of social engineering. Yet its top-down job-creation strategy is what's driving global growth. When its vast peasant class had nowhere to go but up, unleashing the profit motive was Beijing's only hope of staving off a political shake-up that might have ended the iron grip of the Communist Party.
Herein lies the fallacy of the free-trade shibboleth, and why I'm fearful for the future of the free world. Western democracies use the excuse that China's government and business interests are one and the same (hence the term China Inc.) to rationalize their own abdication of their responsibilities to their citizens' long-term best interests, by increasingly allowing themselves to be governed by the so-called free global trade agenda.
Multinational businesses, working in concert with each other (and with the consent of the governed, thanks in part to writers like Davidson), are taking over the role of global governance.
Maybe this is what Davidson means when he describes global trade as a locomotive that can't be stopped. When University of Chicago economist Ali Hortacsu compared trade outcomes then and now based on the tablets, he found little difference except in terms of transparency and scale. The ancients recorded a staggering amount of detail. According to Davidson, Hortacsu "would love to have as much candid information about business today as we have about the dealings — and in particular, about the trading practices — of this 4,000-year-old community."