Climate change is a global crisis. But the existentially necessary mitigation efforts need to happen on a national basis. So while the outcome of the ongoing U.N. climate change summit is crucial, what happens in Glasgow won't matter much if it isn't met with action in Washington and other world capitals.

Accordingly, congressional Democrats must find a way to pass some version of President Joe Biden's dual, landmark legislative initiatives to help address climate change: an infrastructure bill and a Build Back Better bill with billions of dollars targeted toward climate initiatives, largely by offering tax incentives to lower emissions.

Timing is of the essence.

Most consequentially, regarding climate. "We're standing at an inflection point in world history," Biden said on Monday in his opening remarks to the conference as he urged world leaders to act to keep the Paris climate accord goals — objectives that the world is definitively not on track to reach.

But political timing is crucial, too.

The slender Democratic majorities in the House and Senate need to coalesce quickly, especially since Republicans shamefully won't lead on a crisis that impacts people of every political stripe. And based on Tuesday's election results from prominent races in Virginia, New Jersey and elsewhere, as well as Biden's plummeting approval ratings, it's quite possible those majorities will become minorities in next November's midterm elections.

If so, it's unlikely that the Republican base will prioritize acting on climate change. In fact, the opposite is more likely to be true, with attempted rollbacks of Biden's policies and a pushback against transitioning to electric vehicles becoming the latest front of America's unceasing culture war.

Overall, according to a Gallup poll taken on the eve of the summit, 54% of Americans are dissatisfied with efforts to preserve the environment. But a deeper dive by the Chicago Council on Foreign Affairs reveals a sharp partisan divide: 81% of Democrats think the U.S. should play a leading role on limiting climate change and a commensurate 82% believe climate change to be a critical threat. Conversely, only 31% of Republicans think the U.S. should lead and only 16% consider it a critical threat.

To its credit, the Biden administration is trying to lead at home and abroad and has already taken considerable measures, including the simple, but significant, move to rejoin the Paris climate accord after former President Donald Trump reneged on the U.S. commitment.

The Biden administration is also committed to reducing greenhouse-gas emissions 50-52% below 2005 levels by 2030, achieving a 100% carbon-pollution-free power sector by the year 2035, and getting to a net-zero economy by no later than 2050 — all while creating new job opportunities.

And on Tuesday in Glasgow many nations joined the U.S. in committing to cut methane emissions by 30% as well as end deforestation, both by 2030. Irresponsibly, some significant methane emitters, like China, Russia, India and Australia, were not part of the landmark agreement, an omission Biden rightfully chided.

"We meet with eyes of history upon us and the profound questions before us," Biden said at the conference on Monday. "It's simple: Will we act? Will we do what is necessary? Will we seize the enormous opportunity before us? Or will we condemn future generations to suffer?"

Beijing, Moscow, New Delhi, Canberra and other recalcitrant capitals should hear and heed those words.

So should Washington.