Two new polls were released recently showing …
Wait a second. You're writing about polls again?
Uh, yes, and who are you exactly?
I'm the voice inside your head expressing all the objections to analyzing horse-race polls for presidential elections. So I repeat: You're telling us about polls again?
Yeah, I am. What's the problem?
To start with: We can't trust the polls: 2016!
Actually, the national polls for the 2016 presidential election were pretty good. Just a bit off. In a few states, most notably Michigan and Wisconsin, the polls were wrong. I try to remind people that there's always a margin of error and that polls are snapshots, not predictions. But beginning some 200 days out from the election, the polls start to be OK predictors of election results. They become more useful the closer we get to Election Day.
But it's the Electoral College that matters, so if you have to write about polls you should stick to a handful of potential tipping-point states — Wisconsin, Florida, Michigan, Pennsylvania, maybe Arizona. The rest is garbage.
No. Despite the 2016 results, I still think the best way to go if you're interested in the outcome is to follow the national polls.
Where's your evidence?
State surveys have two big problems: A larger percentage of them are from lower-quality outfits, and there just aren't enough of them. Remember, polls will be wrong for two reasons.
Some aren't designed well; it's like flipping a weighted coin that will average, say, 6 heads out of every 10. But even the best polls are subject to random error, just as if you flip a normal coin 10 times you can easily get 4 or 6 heads; you'll sometimes get 3 or 7 heads; and you'll even get more extreme results once in a while.
The power of polling averages is that it essentially corrects for random error, but only if there are enough surveys in the pot. So given the choice, I'll stick with the far more plentiful national polls to get a sense of what's happening. Especially since more of them tend to be high-quality efforts.