It would be nice to wrap up a long career with a sense that one's mission has been accomplished and loose ends have been tied into a tidy bow.
Come May, Senate Capital Investment Committee Chair LeRoy Stumpf hopes to be able to conclude 36 years at the Legislature with some of that sense. Along with GOP Rep. Paul Torkelson, his House committee counterpart, the DFLer from Plummer might be able to deliver to the governor's desk a $1 billion-plus building projects bill that jump-starts work on government's deferred maintenance and turns a few long-standing public-works dreams into reality.
But experience, hard work, the esteem of his colleagues and the best of intentions — all of which Stumpf brings to his task — provide no guarantee of success at the 2016 Legislature. Stumpf, Torkelson and the other legislators assigned to assemble this year's "bonding bill" are not in control of its fate.
Legislators may not get to building projects — the "dessert" of the two-year legislative cycle — if they don't first choke down a compromise on transportation and taxes.
That isn't a forecast of childish pique, though the two chambers could be knee-deep in that sentiment if compromise eludes them.
Rather, it's the result of a constitutionally dictated fact of legislative life: Authorizing the issuance of state bonds requires a 60 percent supermajority vote in both the House and Senate, plus the governor's signature. Neither the Senate DFL nor the House Republican majority can get to 60 percent alone. A Senate bonding bill needs at least two GOP votes; a House bill needs at least eight DFL votes. Both parties have to be willing to play for a bill to proceed.
Mustering enough goodwill to produce a "win-win" outcome is tough for political machines that increasingly seem calibrated for "win-humiliation." A move last week by the state Republican Party illustrates: It launched a campaign on social media and radio claiming that DFL Gov. Mark Dayton is "pushing a socialist agenda" with a proposed $1.4 billion bonding bill. That's not a gentle invitation to bipartisan cooperation.
If the year's two premier bills — taxes and transportation — remain mired in partisan muck come May, goodwill could be in exceedingly short supply. The opportunity particularly for House DFLers to trip up a bonding bill, then campaign against a "do-nothing" House Republican majority, will loom temptingly large.