Sturdevant: Minnesota’s long history of short gubernatorial terms

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Here at the Minnesota history desk, we’ve been gratified by the reports of our old friends in the State Capitol basement during the long, slow buildup to whatever Gov. Tim Walz will soon say about his political intentions in 2026.

Minnesotans don’t yet know whether the DFL governor is running for a third term. But it’s been hard for them not to have heard a reminder this summer that only one Minnesota governor — Rudy Perpich — served longer than eight years. He was elected twice, but also had previously served two years of Wendell Anderson’s second term, after Anderson made himself a U.S. senator at the end of 1976 and Lt. Gov. Perpich succeeded him.

When Perpich offered the voters four more years of his service in 1990, the offer was rather resoundingly rejected — a fact that is sometimes mentioned as a cautionary note to Walz.

The history desk is tempted to digress into a recitation of the oddities of the tumultuous 1990 election, which would more than fill this column, but not today. Instead, here’s a question that has landed on this desk and refuses to be pushed aside during these watchful days:

Might Minnesota’s long tradition of short gubernatorial terms have been beneficial in maintaining this state’s storied political dynamism and high voter participation?

The question arose recently as the history desk looked anew at Anderson’s “self-appointment” (Perpich actually did the appointing). Why would a seemingly shrewd politician make such an unpopular move — and why did some of the era’s best political minds (Martin Sabo among them) think at the time that it was a good idea?

Our conclusion? Anderson opted for the U.S. Senate in large part because after six years as governor, he believed his tenure in that office was coming to its natural conclusion.

No Minnesota governor before him had served more than six years. While no term limit law (then or now) would prevent a try for a third term, Anderson doubted that Minnesotans would like the idea. And he evidently lacked a shiny new policy argument that he believed would convince them otherwise. (Many long-serving governors are similarly bereft.)

Minnesotans are more accepting of long stays in the legislative branch, Anderson and Sabo observed. They both came to the Legislature as young men seeking long careers in elective office. Only one of them got his wish.

Since Perpich’s 10-year stint in the Capitol’s corner office, Minnesota has had three eight-year governorships (Arne Carlson, Tim Pawlenty, Mark Dayton) and one four-year occupant (Jesse Ventura). All four left the job voluntarily.

Those elections generated nation-leading voter turnout, which in turn yielded the benefits to government legitimacy and credible policymaking that derive from strong showings at the polls. Those elections kept Minnesotans attached to their state government, and that attachment has served this state well.

But (I can hear you say): Doesn’t Minnesota’s Yankee/Scandinavian culture of civic participation and its 50-year practice of Election Day voter registration explain those high turnout numbers?

The history desk always thought so, and even argued as much in the “Turnout,” a 2020 book with Joan Anderson Growe. Growe, a former Minnesota secretary of state, and I touted the democracy-enhancing value of same-day registration.

But 23 states and the District of Columbia now offer registration at the polls, and Minnesota’s distinctive civic culture has been diluted in the last half-century. Persuading people to engage with their neighbors for any reason isn’t as easy as it was. Getting today’s Minnesotans to the polls in big numbers, especially in a midterm election, may take a particular attraction.

The attraction, say, of a hard-fought contest for an open governor’s office.

Umm, no. Not for U.S. senators or U.S. representatives or other Minnesota constitutional officers or legislators. I value too much the expertise, independence and government stewardship of the long-serving people I’ve covered in those positions. Short-timers can’t offer the republic what they bring.

But just as the nation has accepted term limits for the presidency since a constitutional amendment in 1951, Minnesotans might be inclined at some point to adopt term limits for governor. And that point might come sooner than later if Walz opts to seek a third term.