My first job was in public relations, promoting the University of Minnesota's land-grant research role to state legislators. Job-creating tech start-ups like Control Data (which would shortly go bust) were the big story back then. I never ventured over to the St. Paul ag campus, where followers of a U-educated plant pathologist named Norman Borlaug were quietly engaged in the Green Revolution.
Borlaug himself had long since left his alma mater. In the early 1940s, he'd done war work for DuPont, which offered to double his pay when the war was over. Borlaug had other plans. His high-yield wheat hybrids won him a Nobel Peace Prize and helped quadruple world population. It also produced enduring alliances between land-grant universities and corporations, whose executives saw early on that there was serious money in agriculture.
In 1996, Monsanto patented a new type of weed-resistant corn and soybean immune to glyphosate, the active ingredient in Roundup. The gene for the worm-killing bacteria Bt was woven into corn's DNA next. Traditional breeding breakthroughs that kept on coming sent transgenic crop yields through the roof. Over three decades ending in 2000, the U.S. diet saw a 25 percent spike in added sugars. Then came ethanol. Improved soybeans found their way into everything from home insulation to eco-friendly cosmetics.
As genetically modified (GM) crops proliferated, the companies involved consolidated. Monsanto, DuPont Pioneer and Syngenta now cooperate to ward off regulation and litigate against all comers who would challenge their control. Anyway, that's how Iowa State University's Dennis Keeney sees it. A professor emeritus in agronomy, at age 76 he remembers a different time. "I knew Norman Borlaug," Keeney says. "He appreciated the need for technologies adapted to local needs [but] not the blanket injection of biotech seeds into developing agriculture as is so passionately argued currently by industrial agriculture supporters, including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation."
Before GM seeds invaded the Third World, the Green Revolution devastated rural communities in the United States. Land stewardship and other virtues embedded in a system of relatively small, biodiverse family farms were put on the shelf as vast tracts planted in a single annual crop, corn or soybeans, came to symbolize the new economies of scale. Farmers who survived the shakeout rallied to the grow-or-die mantra. Increased yields allowed them to service debt for expensive machinery and "chemical inputs" that destroyed the soil's capacity to renew itself. All this left little time to worry about water quality, weather or wildlife.
University scientists working in agronomy and plant genomics answered to agribusiness first, farmers second. When problems arose, these highly trained experts were instructed to keep quiet. U of M entomologist Ken Ostlie told the New York Times in 2009 that his corporate sponsor threatened to pull its funding after he and 26 colleagues complained to the Environmental Protection Agency that seed products were inadequately tested before going to market.
Corporate reprisals, or just the threat of them, hardly encouraged scientists dependent on industry to take similar risks. Tension arose between scientists working for industry and those working independently on issues like bee colony collapse, clean water, and the effect of climate change on forests.
In 2005, a University of Wisconsin survey of researchers warned of a chilling effect in the disproportionate private-sector sponsorship of land-grant research. Food and Water Watch, a Washington, D.C., advocacy group, confirmed that "[b]etween 1970 and 2006, the latest years for which data are available, total private agricultural research expenditures … nearly tripled from $2.6 billion to $7.4 billion, in inflation-adjusted 2010 dollars. Over the same period, total public funding … grew less quickly, rising from $2.9 billion to $5.7 billion." Research on "environmental, public health and food safety risks related to industrial agriculture" as well as "alternatives to the dominant agricultural model" weren't supported at all.