I'm voting "yes" for St. Paul's rent stabilization measure. Unpredictable housing costs pose the greatest harm to people of color, those with low and fixed incomes and particularly families. Decent, stable housing is key to childhood health and development. If we're serious about tearing down systemic racism, we need to support policies like these.

Some predict a wholesale flight of rental property owners and developers that will worsen the scarcity of affordable housing in St. Paul. This ignores a much more important business driver: housing demand, which will remain high. It also ignores the reality that to build any new affordable housing, government incentives are effectively required.

The ordinance mandates establishment of a mechanism for owners to request exceptions. It specifies that increases in property tax, maintenance and capital improvement costs be addressed. Also, although state statute requires that this ordinance can only be established by a ballot initiative, after one year it would be open for amendment or even repeal by usual law and rule-making procedures.

This policy does not limit the base rent set in new buildings. Rent control policies elsewhere exempt new development from rent increase caps for some years, so this policy is argued to be radical in comparison. But are exemptions really needed? New buildings shouldn't require immediate costly capital improvements. Compared to owners of existing buildings, developers should have more certainty about the rent levels they need to assure profitability.

Rent stabilization is needed in St. Paul, and this ordinance is feasible and fair.

Catherine Lexau, St. Paul

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There seems to be an attitude that predatory corporate property owners are unfairly charging rental rates that hurt St. Paul citizens and are artificially inflating prices. This argument has gotten plenty of airtime. While on the housing market last year, my roommates and I shopped around several units, comparing prices, amenities, appliances, location and level of upkeep. We settled on renting a beautiful three-bedroom apartment in the Summit Avenue neighborhood of St. Paul for an affordable price. We rented from a private owner who had renovated most of the property himself, and I would often pass him painting, doing drywall or working on our downstairs unit.

Personally, I enjoyed the standard of living offered by a beautifully renovated apartment. The strict, across-the-board rental stabilization of 3% per year would discourage property owners from making investments like this, and punish renters who are willing to pay (even only slightly) above market rates for well-maintained units. If the city is to pass housing regulation, it should be more tailored to the many different housing goals and desires of St. Paul renters and property owners — regulating the market as a whole is a clumsy solution to housing equity and affordability. We should absolutely take steps to address problematic subsections of the market, but capping rent increases at a rate barely above inflation will hurt more than help.

Jensen Oness, Minnesota City

Regarding Minneapolis City Question 1: Two former council members and a former mayoral aid would like readers to believe that the existing charter is a "hybrid" system that represents a finely tuned balance between the council and mayor ("The mayor already has huge power," Opinion Exchange, Oct. 27). As if this charter was carefully designed just for that purpose, and the proposed amendment represents a dastardly power grab by wealthy interests. Say what? Anyone who has studied local government knows that our charter has a complicated history that renders it uniquely flawed, allowing power to concentrate in wards that function almost like medieval fiefdoms. And the idea that most other Minnesota cities are the real "weak mayor" systems is intentionally misleading. Yes, the mayor in smaller Minnesota cities is just a member of the city council — but that's because the executive function is assigned to a nonelected manager or administrator. Minneapolis has neither professional management nor a true executive mayor; all it has is a Frankenstein-ian mess.

Really, this argument is one we've had since the 18th century: Should government be so diffuse that it can't really do much (the Jeffersonian stance), or should it have a strong executive to ensure that it's effective and balances the interests of all citizens (the Hamiltonian view)? The commentary authors think they're more "progressive" than thou, but they use "strong mayor" as an epithet the way Jeffersonians hurled "monarchist" at Alexander Hamilton. It was disingenuous then, and it is now. I trust that Minneapolitans will see through the semantic smoke screen and enact this sensible reform.

Stephen Bubul, Minneapolis

Police Chief Medaria Arradondo has earned a great deal of respect in Minneapolis, but his recent campaigning against the public safety amendment, potentially in violation of the city's ethics policies, has lowered my estimation of him significantly. Section 15.110(c) of the ethics policy rightfully prohibits any "local official, employee, or candidate" from using "city facilities, property, funds, personnel, the city logo, the city seal or other city resources to engage in political activity." Yet on Oct. 27, in front of cameras, in his staff uniform on staff time in front of an Minneapolis Police Deparment logo, Chief Arradondo spoke against the ballot initiative ("Mpls. chief seethes, St. Paul's calls it quits," front page, Oct. 28). Given the mayor is also opposed to the amendment, what are the chances that he will be disciplined? What, in fact, was Mayor Jacob Frey's role in this? Lack of accountability is one of the problems that the public safety amendment is designed to address.

Dan Turner, Minneapolis

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I read with interest the article about the changes that are and will continue to take place over time in the Ramsey County 911 response to service calls ("Ramsey Co. reimagines 911 system," front page, Oct. 24). It appears that without fanfare, defunding the police, charter amendments or infighting, the county is making big changes in the way 911 calls are handled and the kinds of responses community members can expect when they call for help.

It also appears that the county is doing it in a planned, phased-in way; slowly, with training and input from experts and community members. The initial planning included the Community-First Public Safety Commission composed of nearly 50 community leaders and residents. The plan (there's actually a plan!) calls for social workers, mental health professionals and others to respond with law enforcement as well as firefighters.

The county is looking at a late 2022 date for implementation. The rollout will occur over time and builds on existing work. What a novel idea! Where is the city of St. Paul in all of this, you might ask? City Council President Amy Brendmoen said the "city will be a partner in moving it ahead, not a barrier."

If the Minneapolis City Council and mayor had really wanted to design and implement a functional public safety department with buy-in from those involved, including law enforcement, experts in mental health, substance abuse, homelessness, etc., and the community, all they would have had to do is look next door.

Jeanne Torma, Minneapolis

I miss my friend Denny Dempsey ("Bicyclist fatally hit by motorist was priest at Burnsville church," Oct. 27). We traveled many miles together hitchhiking, bicycling, canoeing the Boundary Waters and Canada, working in Catholic youth ministry and parish ministries. We walked that long path of faith, the darkness and the light. Together, we tested our faith with theology and tempered our theology by faith. For Denny, living was always on the edge of discovery, walking into the unknown with trust, with grace, with a ready smile. A person learns that traveling with Denny. It's the walk of faith. I can't believe he is gone.

Frank Schweigert, St. Paul

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