The fight to increase Americans' stagnant incomes is, at long last, growing more serious. This week, with the explicit backing of the House Democratic Caucus, Maryland Rep. Chris Van Hollen, the ranking Democrat on the Budget Committee, is introducing a bill that would prompt corporations to reward workers - not just top executives and major shareholders - for their gains in productivity.
Corporations currently can deduct the cost of their top executive pay in excess of $1 million when that pay is "performance-based" - that is, when CEO compensation is linked to rising share values, stock options and the like. Van Hollen's bill would take away that deduction unless the corporation's employees get a wage boost equal to the nation's annual increases in productivity and the cost of living.
Time was when American workers reaped what they sowed. Between 1947 and 1972, the nation's productivity increased by 97 percent and median pay by 95 percent. Since then, however, as the decline of unions and a host of other factors weakened employees' bargaining power, hardly any productivity gains have gone to workers. Between 1979 and 2011, productivity rose by 75 percent, but median pay rose by just 5 percent.
Chief executives, however, managed to reward themselves quite handsomely for the gains in their workers' productivity. From 1978 to 2013, CEO pay rose by a mind-boggling 937 percent.
Nice work if you can get it.
"We're saying to corporations," Van Hollen told me this week, "Look, you can pay your CEO whatever you want. Just don't ask taxpayers to subsidize that pay if you don't reward workers, as you reward your CEO, for their increases in productivity." Executive pay has become so stratospheric that the tax deductions corporations took on pay in excess of $1 million, Van Hollen noted, came to $66 billion between 2007 and 2010.
The bill won't go anywhere in the Republican-controlled House, of course, but it is nonetheless important for broadening the center-left's efforts to combat economic inequality. Until now, most legislative attempts to raise workers' wages have focused on raising the minimum wage. Increasing the minimum is both conceptually simple and politically popular - indeed, ballot measures to increase state minimum wages have passed in nine states since 2002, during which time no such measures have lost. But minimum-wage hikes, while a lifeline for those in low-paying jobs, do nothing for the majority of workers, whose incomes have also been either stagnating or declining.
Before 1980, such workers had enough bargaining power to win pay increases without legislative assistance. Annual cost-of-living increases and pay raises in line with the economy's annual productivity increases were a feature of many union contracts, and non-union employers often felt compelled to match those raises lest their workers jump to better-paying companies. Today, with unions virtually vanished from the private sector, workers have no such leverage.