"It is difficult to know in advance the nature of these drugs or the effect of foregone innovation on health."
So writes the Congressional Budget Office in what may be the most important sentence of an important 15-page letter sent to Congress this month. The letter sets forth the respected agency's preliminary assessment of the potential effects of an adventurous Democratic proposal to reduce prescription drug prices in America.
One of several such bold legislative ideas that might reflect a Democratic agenda should the party gain power in next year's election, it's called H.R. 3, "The Lower Drug Costs Now Act of 2019." It has House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's backing.
The unknowable "drugs" and "foregone innovation" CBO refers to are the medications and discoveries its analysts predict will not happen should H.R. 3's sweeping price controls be imposed in the American pharmaceutical market.
Now, you won't often hear what's being proposed described as "price controls" by the advocates of this legislation (or by neutral analysts at CBO). Advocates call it "negotiation." For years, the most popular progressive prescription around for bringing down the painful prices Americans pay for lifesaving drugs has been a call for the federal government to directly "negotiate" with drug firms and leverage the vast buying power of Medicare, the huge health care program for the elderly.
But it's long been unclear exactly what was meant by "negotiation." Since at least 2007, CBO has repeatedly informed Congress, in its own words, "that providing broad negotiation authority by itself would probably have a negligible effect."
That's because what we call "negotiation" usually means two sides trying to hammer out a voluntary agreement. You know:
I offer "A." You say: "No thanks, how about 'C'?" And we settle on "B."