As withered leaves and election leaflets litter our doorsteps, the political pundits try to figure out which side won in Minnesota.

Nationally, it was the worst back-to-back mid-term elections for Democrats in 64 years. The Republicans leveraged a deep hatred of Obama to tighten the vice grip of GOP control at the state and Federal levels.

And why wouldn't America hate Obama?

He only prevented a global economic calamity, saved the auto industry, recovered every nickel of the bank bailouts from the Bush recession, killed Bin Laden, withdrew our combat troops from Iraq, created 8 million more private sector jobs than his predecessor, presided over a flurry of stock market records and guaranteed health coverage for 35 million uninsured Americans.

What a bumbling incompetent. No wonder Democratic candidates were trounced in nearly every state.

The political picture in Minnesota is far less clear.

The DFL got rolled in the House. But the 11 lost seats were not a referendum on Minnesota policy—they were a referendum on Obama.

The country's most liberal Senator smoked his opponent, and the Governor who promised to raise taxes on the wealthy cruised to victory.

We have also seen the first hard evidence of secret special interest money seeping into races at the local level.

And therein lies the greatest threat to Democrats everywhere.

Supreme Court rulings and relaxed state campaign finance laws allow shadow money to shield vast sums of contributions from public view. We still don't know what individuals steered their PAC contributions that swung one of the Minneapolis School Board elections, and we never will.

Shadow contributions are an expression of the figurative crimes and misdemeanors of American politics. This is dirty money because its purpose is to demean, divide and deceive. These donations are burrowed underground to rot the grassroots politicking of concerned citizens on both sides of the isle.

Here is the truth: Dark money now helps control the levers of Congress, most Governors and state legislatures and, increasingly, judicial elections.

The Supreme Court is going to buttress the Right with a raft of rulings certain to advance their political prospects. The Congress will relegate Democrats to the role of political obstructionists and most of the nation's Governor's will continue to stack the courts with like-minded ideologues.

Democrats can't strategize their way out this dilemma. They need to fundraise their way out.

That means matching what the other guys are raising and aiming it squarely against the same cohorts—invisible offices such as local judgeships, Constitutional offices, state legislative races and fortified resources for the most visible races. And committing resources to exposing modern fundraising tactics that most American's have tuned out.

The Dems may find a magic bullet to recover their mojo. Or Republicans might over reach again and hand the momentum back, as has happened in the recent past.

But they way things look today, the future electoral prospects for Democrats seem as dark as the money that seeks to vanquish them.