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Hot Dish Politics: McCollum, Walz feeling good about the public option
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Liberal Democrats in Washington say they have a good feeling about tacking a public option onto the sweeping health care reform legislation that's coming together in the U.S. House.
If it comes to pass, they may have a pair of Minnesotans to thank. One is Rep. Betty McCollum, who led efforts to broker a Medicare deal that could assuage the concerns of centrist Democrats from rural areas that get lower reimbursement rates.
That's proven to be a huge deal for the entire Minnesota delegation -- Democrats and Republicans alike. But it's been a particularly vexing problem for Rep. Tim Walz, whose district includes the much ballyhooed Mayo Clinic, which loses millions every year from its Medicare practice.
Obviously, any government-sponsored coverage option tied to current Medicare payments wasn't going to work for him, and he's said so.
Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., has expressed similar reservations.
So Thursday's announcement that the final House health care reform bill will address the regional payment variations that harm states such as Minnesota could be a breakthrough for backers of the public option, who need at least 218 votes in the House.
One of the votes they're counting on is Walz's. Though he's still saying he reserves the right to review the entire bill, his spokeswoman, Sara Severs, said last week's deal "makes a public option more workable."
KEVIN DIAZ
Culture politics
Norm Coleman, Al Franken and their allies raised more than $21 million to fight their seven-month U.S. Senate recount battle, and their contributors' occupations say something about the cultural divide between Democrats and Republicans.
Perhaps not surprising, given the intense national spotlight on the fight, is that most of the donors to special recount funds for Franken and Coleman came from outside Minnesota.
Self-employed artists, screen writers and photographers -- some known, some not -- opened their wallets for Franken. Indeed, many of Franken's contributors referred to themselves only as "self employed" on Federal Election Commission disclosure forms. But then, Tom Hanks, Dan Aykroyd and John Grisham probably don't need more precise titles. (Together, they gave $41,500.)
Donations flowed not only to special recount funds for each candidate, but to their campaign committees and national and state party units. The multiple targets allowed donors to legally exceed typical campaign contribution limits.
California grocery store tycoon Ron Burkle -- an associate of Bill Clinton -- gave $12,300 to Franken. Currency trader George Soros coughed up $24,600 for the one-time "Saturday Night Live" writer.
Coleman, too, had self-employed donors, but they were slightly more explicit about what they did for a living. Several said they were self-employed investors. There was also "self-employed/developer" and a "self-employed/entrepreneur."
Coleman's contributors were more likely to be business executives than entertainers. Houston home builder Bob Perry gave $42,700. Casino mogul Sheldon Adelson, chairman of the Las Vegas Sands, tossed in $50,400. Richard Farmer, founder of Cintas Corp. of Ohio, gave $12,300.
PAT DOYLE
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